And Now, For Modi’s Next Trick: The World’s First Hindutva State

When he began his legal career in Bombay in 1895, Mohammad Ali Jinnah became the youngest British Indian ever called to the bar after completing his examinations at Lincoln’s Inn, one of the most prestigious legal institutions the world has to offer. At only 19, Jinnah was already exceptional among his peers for his eloquent and articulate legal advocacy, traits that would define his career and later his pivotal role in the formation of Pakistan.

Renowned for his sharp legal mind and powerful oratory, Jinnah was recognised even then as one of colonial India’s most formidable lawyers. Judges feared him; his peers wanted to be him. His vision for a secure state for India’s Muslims, where he foresaw significant challenges for those opposing the idea of Pakistan, underscored his early recognition of the complex interplay of loyalty and identity in the subcontinent—predicting those against a separate Muslim state would perpetually strive to prove their allegiance to an independent India.

Jinnah’s career was characterised by his vigorous debates with prominent figures, including the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, who would later be assassinated by the IRA. He strongly advocated for renaming India to ‘Hindustan’, a move he believed would reflect the true cultural and historical essence of the land, distinct from the imposed colonial identity. Jinnah’s advocacy was a precursor to the present-day narrative that suggests India, as it was known post-1947, has evolved primarily into Hindustan, shaped significantly by its majority Hindu population.

This transformation has been driven by a dominant political discourse, particularly promoted by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), with its prominent leaders pushing for a Hindutva-led state. The poster boy of this movement, currently eyeing a third term in power, is poised to decisively influence the future of India’s Muslims, potentially marginalising them further in the political and social fabric of the nation.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s dog whistles of hatred for Muslims is rampant, no matter how much he tries to shield himself from such sentiments. In 2024, the Muslims of India are no longer Indian citizens; the prime minister himself now refers to them as “infiltrators.”

Speaking to a large gathering in Rajasthan only a few days ago, Modi suggested that if the Congress party were to come into power, they would redistribute the nation’s wealth to “infiltrators” and “those who have more children,” a statement that was widely interpreted as targeting Muslims.

These comments made during the rally sparked significant controversy, with many accusing Modi of utilising anti-Muslim rhetoric. The ensuing backlash prompted the Congress party to lodge a formal complaint with the Election Commission of India on Monday. They argued that Modi’s remarks violated electoral regulations designed to prevent candidates from inciting religious tensions.

Critics of the prime minister, who is known for his Hindu nationalist stance, argue that since Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power ten years ago, India’s long-standing commitment to diversity and secularism has been increasingly jeopardised. They contend that the BJP has been cultivating an atmosphere of religious intolerance and, in some instances, violence, although the party refutes these claims, asserting that its policies are intended to benefit all Indians.

During the rally, Modi further challenged the crowd, asking, “Do you think your hard-earned money should be given to infiltrators? Would you accept this?” His questions were met with applause from the audience, highlighting the divisive nature of the rhetoric used.

The Pradhan Mantri‘s ideology has trickled down into Bollywood itself, an industry where its most popular actors are Muslims hailing from areas now in Pakistan. Bollywood has always largely remained detached from India’s pervasive Hindu-Muslim conflicts. Once heralding a commitment to liberal values, prominent Muslim stars, and celebrated Hindu-Muslim marriages, the Hindi film industry has often served as a potent counter to communal discord. However, a recent controversy over a low-budget, allegedly Islamophobic film titled “The Kerala Story” threatens this history of tolerance.

The controversy began even before the film’s release, which depicts a fictitious Hindu woman who converts to Islam and is subsequently radicalised. A promotional trailer for the movie claimed that 32,000 girls from Kerala had been forcibly converted to Islam and then joined jihadist groups in Syria and Yemen, a claim that was a gross exaggeration. In reality, in 2016, approximately 20 young men and women from Kerala—a prosperous southern state noted for its high education levels—left to join the Islamic State (ISIS), a notorious international jihadist group. Despite the inaccuracies, Narendra Modi and his Hindu-nationalist BJP vigorously supported the film. During his campaign for the recent Karnataka election, India’s prime minister touted the movie as exposing “a new form of terrorism.”

This is not all. The renaming of historic Indian cities to erase their Mughal heritage, such as Allahabad to Prayagraj, signals a broader governmental agenda to rewrite historical narratives. This effort appears poised to continue, with indications that Hyderabad might be next on the list. Discussions are also underway to rename India to Bharat, a change that would come into effect should the BJP secure power again. This renaming strategy is emblematic of a deeper desire to anchor the nation’s identity in a Hindu-centric past, distancing it from its diverse and pluralistic history.

The shifting sentiments among Indian Muslims regarding these changes have been profound. Traditionally, this community held strong anti-Pakistan views, priding itself on the notion of India as a beacon of coexistence and secularism. However, the current political and social transformations have sparked a change in this perspective. Many now express a retrospective regret about the partition of 1947, suggesting that a united Indian Muslim presence could have presented a substantial counterbalance to the Hindu majority. This sentiment of lost potential and collective strength is increasingly echoed in social media debates and discussions on Urdu news channels, where there is a palpable sense of nostalgia for a pre-partition unified India.

On the other side, Pakistan observes India’s apparent journey towards becoming a Hindu rashtra with a mixture of vindication and concern, especially highlighted by recent developments such as the inauguration of the Ayodhya Temple on the site formerly occupied by the Babri Masjid. In contrast, Pakistan is making strides towards moderation. The recent induction of its first Sikh minister in the region formerly known as West Punjab and initiatives by Punjab’s Chief Minister, Maryam Nawaz, aims to foster coexistence, contrasting sharply with India’s trajectory under its current leadership, which increasingly alienates its image as a former bastion of coexistence.

Referring to modern-day India simply as “India” does not do justice to its true essence; the term “Bharat” is far more fitting. Beneath the vibrant lights and colours of the Union, it has always fundamentally been Bharat. Today, this reality is increasingly apparent to those who are informed.

This article is originally published on https://thefridaytimes.com/28-Apr-2024/and-now-for-modi-s-next-trick-the-world-s-first-hindutva-state